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When comparing novel and film version, this scene will be referred to as the 'drunk-scene'. The next form of bloodshed the argument will be led onto is the gang-fight between Alex's gang and Billyboy's gang around the Municipal Power Plant In the following, this scene will be called 'Billyboy-scene'. A furthermore crucial situation is the 'raping-scene'. Here, Alex and his 'droogs' disguise themselves, intrude into the cottage of the writer F.
Alexander, beat him up and rape his wife Another appearance of an action one could also call a rape is when Alex meets two very young girls in a record-store, provides them with alcohol and drugs and finally has sex with the girls without them knowing what is going on 'two-girls-scene'. The last form of violence before Alex is sentenced to prison will be mentioned as the 'Cat-Lady-scene'.
In this scene, Alex and his gang assault the Cat-Lady. After a fight, Alex kills the Cat-Lady with a silver statue The political violence, caused by the government in A Clockwork Orange , is the use of the 'Ludovico Technique' This therapy is "no less than a form of brainwashing in which Alex is pumped full of drugs and forced to watch a succession of pornographic and violent images, to the accompaniment of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony, which he can no longer listen to without suffering nausea.
This appearance of state cruelty is finished by the government's official presentation of Alex's 'cure', where he has to go through humiliations and sexual temptation and gets sick, caused by his therapy A different event of violence that is done to Alex is the 'police-scene', where his ex-'droog' Dim and his ex-rival Billyboy, both now policemen, help him out of an attack by old men in a library, but then they recognise him and beat him up themselves The last remarkable violent appearance will be referred to as the 'suicide-scene'. Alex's host, F.
Alexander, recognises the young man, and for purposes of personal revenge and political propaganda, he forces Alex into a suicide attempt by playing the music of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony The reason for the use of extreme violence and its different kinds is that especially the most intense situations are supposed to intellectually lead onto a higher levelled theme: the discussion of free will. A Clockwork Orange "ties the images of violence to a moral problematic of freedom" Nemecek This theme will be argued in the next chapter. The presentation and the impact of violence in the novel and in the film Term Paper, 18 Pages, Grade: 2,0.
A Clockwork Orange: Biography: Anthony Burgess | Novelguide
T V Thomas von der Heide Author. Add to cart. Contents 1. Violence in A Clockwork Orange — An often discussed theme of novel and film 2. Adam fell through the primal sin of disobedience; he transmitted to all his descendants the guilt of that sin. Men are predisposed to sin; they are not free creatures. The orthodox reply to that is, of course, that Christ died to make men free, but Calvinism seems singularly unelated by this fact.
The theocracies built by Calvinists, city-states or whole commonwealths ruled by self-elected holy men, have always been characterized by a kind of wet-weather gloom. To them, it was a mark of Catholic depravity to let men work out their own destinies. Men are sinful, men will not avoid sin why should they, since they are predestined to Hell or Heaven whatever they do? And, even more so, women, daughters of treacherous Eve.
What’s it going to be then, eh?
Calvinism is full of negative reinforcements. It is not my aim to teach elementary theology here, and it is certainly not my intention to view the contemporary world from an angle of inherited faith. I am merely concerned with showing that certain terms we borrow from theology have validity in a secular approach to our problems.
Being a person in whom religious faith has been shaky for forty years, it would be hypocritical if I preached that, to stop war and regenerate the polluted rivers, we should get back to God. In other words, an optimistic view of human life is as valid as a pessimistic one. I think I am optimistic about man: I think his race will survive, I think—however slowly or painfully—he will solve his major problems just because he is aware of them.
The author comments on his most famous book, in 1973.
As for myself, all I can say is that I am growing old, my sight is blurring, my teeth always need attention, I cannot eat or drink as much as I once did, I am more and more frequently bored. I cannot remember names, my reason works slowly, I have spasms of envy of the young and of resentment at my own imminent decay. If I had a burning faith in personal survival, this gloom of senescence might be greatly mitigated.
But I have lost this faith and am unlikely to recover it. Sometimes I have a desire for immediate annihilation, but the urge to remain alive always supervenes. There are consolations—love, literature, music, the colorful life of the southern city in which I spend much of my time—but these are very fitful. But such freedom breeds its own compunctions: I feel guilty if I do not work; I am my own tyrant. The things I have now I needed most when I was young. I recognize that I am better off than most, but I do not regard myself as having opted out of the agony and anxiety that plague men and women who are slaves to lives they did not choose and denizens of communities they hate.
I think especially of the citizens of great industrial and commercial towns—New York, London, Bombay, my own Manchester. The maintenance of a complex society depends increasingly on routine work, work with no zest or creativity. The things we eat, clothes we wear, places where we live become increasingly standardized, because standardization is the price we pay for the prices we are able to pay. We grow used to the rhythm imposed on us by our need to subsist: soon we get to like our bondage. I remember when, at the age of twenty-two, I joined the British Army.
Soon my reduction to a piece of clockwork began to please me, soothe me. One of a squad, obeying orders with the whole squad, forbidden to ask questions or to question orders—I was, after four years of rigorous academic life, having a delicious vacation from the need to be choosing all the time.
I can, after six years of that, sympathize with the civilian who is unhappy about making his own decisions—where to eat, whom to vote for, what to wear.
Perhaps there is something to be said for conformity in social life when our working lives have so little room for rugged individualism: it is painful to be an expert on Spinoza in the evenings and a machine operative for the rest of the day. And there is something in our gregarious makeup which makes us want to conform. Even rebels against conformity find a conformity of their own—the uniform of long hair, beard, chinos, beads or amulet, for instance, the invariable taste for pot and protest songs on the guitar.
A man has to conform to a pattern of work in order to feed himself and his family; a man may find it pleasurable or natural or convenient to conform in his social tastes. But when patterns of conformity are imposed by the state, then one has a right to be frightened. Unfortunately, the political conformity which leads to a colored uniform, a flag, a slogan, a muzzle on free speech tends to work on a willingness to conform in nonpolitical areas.
We probably have no duty to like Beethoven or hate Coca-Cola, but it is at least conceivable that we have a duty to distrust the state. In small social entities—English parishes, Swiss cantons—the machine that governs can sometimes be identified with the community that is governed. But when the social entity grows large, becomes a megalopolis, a state, a federation, the governing machine becomes remote, impersonal, even inhuman. It takes money from us for purposes we do not seem to sanction; it treats us as abstract statistics; it controls an army; it supports a police force whose function does not always appear to be protective.
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This, of course, is a generalization that may be regarded as prejudiced nonsense. I personally do not trust politicians or statesmen—very few writers and artists do—and consider that men enter politics for the negative reason that they have little talent for anything else and the positive reason that power is always delicious. Against this must be set the truth that government makes healthful laws to protect the community and, in the great international world, can be the voice of our traditions and aspirations.
But the fact remains that, in our own century, the state has been responsible for most of our nightmares. No single individual or free association of individuals could have achieved the repressive techniques of Nazi Germany, the slaughter of intensive bombing, or the atomic bomb. War departments can think in terms of megadeaths, while it is as much as the average man can do to entertain dreams of killing the boss.
The modern state, whether in a totalitarian or a democratic country, has far too much power, and we are probably right to fear it. It is significant that the nightmare books of our age have not been about new Draculas and Frankensteins but about what may be termed dystopias—inverted utopias, in which an imagined megalithic government brings human life to an exquisite pitch of misery.
The wisecracking homespun Will Rogers-like President uses the provisions of a constitution created by Jeffersonian optimists to create a despotism which, to the unthinking majority, at first looks like plain common sense. The trouncing of long-haired intellectuals and shrill anarchists always appeals to the average man, although it may really mean the suppression of liberal thought the American Constitution was the work of long-haired intellectuals and the elimination of political dissidence.
‘A Clockwork Orange’ at 50
Both the American and the British visions conjoin in assuming that the aversive devices of fear and torture are the inevitable techniques of despotism, which seeks total control over the individual. Pre-natal and infantile conditioning makes the slaves happy in their slavery, and stability is enforced not through whips but through a scientifically imposed contentment.
Here, of course, is a way that man may take if he really desires a world in which there are no wars, no population crises, no Dostoyevskian agonies.